Category Archives: Dayton's Army

Prisoners’ Intifada shames Palestine’s leaders


By Ramzy Baroud

If Palestinian leaders only knew how extraneous their endless rounds of “unity” talks have become, they might cease enthusiastic declarations to world media about their meetings. At this point, few Palestinians are left with hope that their “leadership” has their best interests in mind. Factional interests reign supreme and personal agendas continue to define Palestine’s political landscape.

Fatah and Hamas are the two major Palestinian political factions. Despite Hamas’ election victory in 2006, Fatah has the upper hand. Both parties continue to play the numbers game, flexing their muscles in frivolous rallies where Palestinian flags are overshadowed with green and yellow banners, the symbols of Hamas and Fatah respectively.

Historically, there has been a leadership deficit in Palestine and it is not because Palestinians are incapable of producing upright men and women capable of guiding the decades-long resistance towards astounding victory against Israel’s military occupation and apartheid. This is because for a Palestinian leadership to be acknowledged by regional and international players, it has to excel in the art of “compromise”. These carefully molded leaders often cater to the interests of their Arab and Western benefactors, at the expense of their own people. Not a single popular faction has resolutely escaped this.

This reality has permeated Palestinian politics for decades. However, in the last two decades the distance between the Palestinian leadership and the people has grown by a once unimaginable distance, to the point where some Palestinians have become a jailor, a peddling politician or even a security coordinator working hand in hand with Israel. Perks of the 1994 Oslo Accord have over the years created a Palestinian elite, whose interests and that of the Israeli occupation overlap beyond recognition of where the first starts and the other ends.

While Hamas remained largely immune from the Oslo disease – Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas and his men enjoy its numerous political and economic perks – it too is becoming enthralled by the prospects of regional acceptance and international validation. Its strictly factional agenda and closeness to some corrupt Arab countries raise more than question marks and there is the prospect of it heading in the same direction as Fatah leaders did over two decades ago.

Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal, left, and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas shake hands before their meeting in Cairo on Dec. 21. Photo by REUTERS/Mohamed Al HamsThe unity charade continues. After a period of ambiguity, Hamas chief Khaled Meshaal and Palestinian Authority leader Abbas reportedly held meetings in Cairo to “expedite” a reconciliation. Considering that progress is judged as keeping the status quo between the two main factions, the word “expedite” is likely to mean and change very little on the ground.


If one was to judge by rhetoric and rival claims, the chasm continues to grow, despite the supposedly sober fact that earlier this month, on January 4 Hamas allowed Fatah to celebrate the anniversary of its birth in Gaza, while the latter did the same in the West Bank. Supporters of both parties brazenly used their parades – which took place under the watchful eyes of Israeli drones – to exhibit their strengths. This was not in relations to the Israeli military occupation, but to their own pitiful factional propaganda.

Oddly enough, if the calculations of Palestinian factions are accurate regarding the attendees of their rallies, the population of Gaza may have suddenly morphed to exceed 4 million, a remarkable jump from the 1.6 million of a few weeks ago. This is the actual number of the Gaza population per United Nations statistics.

This miserable legacy of Palestinian factionalism can be seen against the backdrop of a slowly brewing movement in Israeli jails. Palestinian political prisoners continue to place their faith in their own ability to endure hunger, gaining international solidarity with their cause. Samer Issawi, a Palestinian prisoner who as of January 10 completed 168 days of a hunger strike in protest of his unlawful detention by Israel, is hardly a unique phenomenon. He is an expression of the very much present but snubbed Palestinian collective, whose fate doesn’t fall into the political agenda of any faction.

Issawi is one of seven brothers, six of whom spent time in Israeli prisons for their political beliefs. One of the brothers, Fadi, was killed by Israeli soldiers in 1994, a few days after celebrating his 16th birthday. Even their sister, Shireen, was arrested by Israeli soldiers during a hearing concerning her brother Samer on December 18. On that day, “Samer was publicly beaten in the Jerusalem Magistrates Court after he tried to greet his family,” reported the Palestine Monitor. “He was dragged from his wheelchair and carried away, repeatedly crying out as he was hit on his chest by the guards around him.”

The Issawi family and the entire neighborhood of Issawiya in East Jerusalem is now a target for the Israeli army and police. The aim is to break the will of a single man who at present is incapable of standing on his own feet. It may be legendary, but Samer Issawi’s will of steel is not an alien notion for Palestinians. According to the Adameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, over 650,000 Palestinians have been detained by the Israeli military and police since its occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza in 1967.

“Considering the fact that the majority of those detained are male, the number of Palestinians detained forms approximately 40% of the total male Palestinian population in the OPT [Occupied Palestinian Territories],” the organization wrote in a June 2012 fact-sheet. But Palestinian resistance is yet to be quelled.

“It is estimated that around 10,000 Palestinian women have been arrested by Israel since 1967. They include young girls and the elderly; some … were the mothers of male long-term prisoners,” wrote Nabil Sahli in January in the Middle East Monitor. The author has also called for an internationalization of the prisoners issue.

In a special session held on January 6 to discuss the plight of Palestinian and Arab prisoners in Israeli jails, the Arab League echoed similar demands. In a statement it called for the treatment of detainees as “prisoners of war” and called for active international efforts to secure their release.

However, serious efforts on the issue seem absent despite the repeated cries for attention by Palestinian prisoners. On April 17, 2012, at least 1,200 prisoners participated in a hunger strike to alert the world of their plight and maltreatment in Israeli jails. Despite the fact that the collective strike ended on May 14, Palestinian prisoners continue to stage hunger strikes of their own, breaking records of steadfastness unprecedented not just in Palestine, but the world over.

While calls for a change of tactics are warranted, if not urgent, there is another pressing change that must also be realized. There ought to be a change of Palestinian political culture, away from the repellent factional manipulation and towards a return to the basic values of the Palestinian struggle. It is the likes of Issawi, not Abbas that must define the new era of Palestinian resistance.

An Intifada has already been launched by thousands of Palestinian prisoners, some of whom are shackled to their hospital beds. It offers little in the way of perks aside from a chance at dignity and a leap of faith towards freedom. This is the dichotomy with which Palestinians must now wrangle. The path they will finally seek shall define this generation and demarcate the nature of the Palestinian struggle for generations to follow.

Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is: My Father was A Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press).

(Copyright 2013 Ramzy Baroud)

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The Beginning of the End for Abbas

Palestinian demonstrators chant slogans in the West Bank city of Ramallah, on 30 June 2012, during a protest against a planned meeting between Palestinian leader Mahmud Abbas and Israel’s vice prime minister Shaul Mofaz. (Photo: AFP – Abbas Momani)
 
Published Tuesday, July 3, 2012
The Oslo-Palestinian Authority has lost its temper. The lesson we learnt from the Arab uprisings is that when the government loses its temper, it starts making mistakes. Eventually, it writes the ending to its own story with a series of mistakes that flips over the balance of fear that’s been sustained on the ground for so long.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) has managed to contain the agitated youth movement that first took to the streets on 15 March 2011. Still, the PA remained wary of any issues that might trigger a mass uprising. Those fears have escalated since the beginning of the year, with a growing opposition against talks with the Israeli occupation and continuous scandals within the PA ministries. Despite the limitations put on the youth movement, unprecedented protests in front of the Presidential HQ (al-Muqata) in Ramallah served as a warning to the police-state of Abbas.

Last month, an official meeting between Abbas and war-criminal deputy Israeli PM Shaul Mofaz was announced, angering the public. It was a chance for the youth movement to mass mobilize. The PA unofficially announced that the meeting would be postponed “at the request of the people.” This effort to quell the anger failed to cancel the planned protest against the Mofaz meeting and the system of negotiations and security collaborations. But the protests marginalized factional – in particular Fatah youth – participation in the protests.

Around 200 to 250 protesters took to the street as planned on Saturday. Dayton-trained PA security forces lost their tempers and attempted to intimidate the protesters. They brutally suppressed and crushed the protest. It is not the first time security forces have used excessive force against protesters, but on previous occasions, brutal suppression of demonstrations was not followed by further protests.

The PA security forces thought this time would not be any different. The suppression portrays the lack of freedom of speech and press in the West Bank.

Brutalities were covered up on previous occasions by intimidating the media and confiscating cameras and footage of the suppression. But this time they failed. As cameras were confiscated and journalists were attacked, smart phones managed to surpass the obstruction and provide a live feed to social media.

The next day, around 500 protesters rallied against the security forces’ brutality. The scenario of the first day was repeated. Spokesman of the Palestinian security services, Adnan al-Dumairi, resorted to expired methods previously used by toppled and current Arab governments. He pointed the finger at the “agendas of the unknown movements.”

In the first two days of the suppression, the PA used official security forces and undercover police to crush the protests.

If they fail to stop the protests, the PA might resort to organizing Fatah-loyalists to counter these protests, a similar tool used by Egypt’s ruling military. But the movement has come a long way to just stop now, despite the challenges of facing an Israeli occupation and a Palestinian collaborator government.

Ironically, the security forces accuse the protesters of links to the US and Israeli governments. This accusation comes from the same security forces that were trained by US General Keith Dayton and refuse to end their public security collaboration with the Israeli Occupation Forces. The next step might be accusing the protesters of serving an Iranian-Hamas conspiracy against Fatah. It remains astonishing how they successfully sell this to many people.

The PA is now in a critical position not only because of the continued protests, but also due to internal conflicts within Fatah. Palestinian Authority head Mahmoud Abbas has taken the decision to eliminate his internal rivals within Fatah. But Abbas, his allies within Fatah, and his rivals all share one quality: corruption. Although Abbas managed to drive out strongman Muhammad Dahlan, he failed to successfully eliminate his loyalists from the security forces. New rivals keep emerging amongst the leadership of Fatah. Unfortunately for Abbas, these rivals are forming a united front against him. These rivals, using their wealth, have built a base of loyalists. During years of corruption in the West Bank, the likes of Dahlan and Mohammad Rashid have made a mint, concentrating their support in the north of the West Bank. The PA, centralized in Ramallah, has ignored and marginalized the cities and villages in the north of the West Bank.

Abbas was put on the alert by several incidents in the Jenin governorate, including an incident that resulted in the death of the Governor of Jenin. Abbas decided to strike at his rivals’ loyalists within the security forces in the north, announcing on Sunday that at least 200 men had been rounded up in Jenin in an illegal weapons trade, including Fatah men. The level of success remains unclear.

But Abbas’ problems are not confined to the north, as the PA is also facing growing opposition in the marginalized south of the West Bank. The brewing trouble in Hebron is becoming a real threat to Abbas’ control over Fatah. The northern and southern edges of the West Bank face the worst attacks by illegal Jewish settlers and Israel’s Occupation Forces, adding to the people’s anger.

This week, Palestinians from all over Palestine will continue their demonstrations in Ramallah to protest the security forces’ brutality. This is a critical time for the PA. Although the youth movement remains limited in numbers, it is stacked with brave and determined women and men. The security forces’ brutality has so far only strengthened the bonds between the youth.

Along with the actions taken during the prisoners’ hunger strike, the recent agitation has also strengthened the bonds between activists within the ‘48 occupied territories, the ‘67 occupied territories and in exile. Judging from the Arab uprisings, we know what to expect from a police-state, but we have also learnt the key to success: determination and sacrifice. This week’s protests might not trigger a mass revolution yet, but it is certainly the first step to liquidate the collaborator and corrupt Palestinian leadership and return to the path of liberation.

Maath Musleh, a Palestinian journalist and blogger based in Jerusalem. Follow him on Twitter @MaathMusleh.

The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect al-Akhbar’s editorial policy.

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Empty Stomach Warriors (III): Omar Abu Shalal Sets His Mind

A Palestinian youth sits in side a mock cage with his hands tied in chains during a protest after Friday prayer to call for the release of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails in Gaza City on 27 April 2012. (Photo: AFP – Mohammed Abed)
Published Monday, April 30, 2012
On 15 August 2011, Omar Abu Shalal was attempting to cross the Allenby Bridge – one of the crossings between the West Bank and Jordan – with his sister Samira, when Israeli authorities promptly arrested him.
Omar was immediately sent to Ofer prison just west of Ramallah. A few hours later he was handed a six-month administrative detention order, without knowing why he was imprisoned or what the charges against him were.
He was travelling to Saudi Arabia on a pilgrimage when he was arrested. It was in the middle of the month of Ramadan. While his sister continued on the journey, Omar found himself transferred to Megiddo prison near Haifa.
Omar has lived under an occupation regime where adhering to a certain political rhetoric is ample excuse to be arrested for years, or even imprisoned for life.
What makes his story unique is that he was wanted by and imprisoned by the Israeli army and the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Politically affiliated with Hamas, Omar was arrested in 2002 and sentenced to 36 months in prison. During that period Omar’s mother passed away without seeing her incarcerated son, which as Samira recounted, devastated him.

Following infighting between members of Hamas and Fatah in 2007, Omar fled to Jenin to keep a low profile as he was wanted by the PA for one year. Following June 2007, the month which saw the highest number of casualties in the fighting, 4000 followers of Hamas were arrested as part of the PA’s systematic clampdown on Hamas supporters. Three months later, the PA arrested Omar and he was sentenced to one year and a half in the Jneid prison in Nablus, a facility that was known for human rights abuses and for torturing Hamas affiliates. According to an AP report, these measures have desisted since the year 2010.

 
Fifty-four-year-old Omar is divorced with no children, and lives in one of Nablus’ three refugee camps, al-Ain. He has a two-year diploma in electrical maintenance and works as a porter in the city center, off-loading trucks, and transporting goods on foot. According to Samira, he had no plans to remarry.
On 15 February 2012, Omar’s detention was further extended by six months. Inspired by the hunger strikes of Khader Adnan and Hana Shalabi, and by the solidarity strikes of Bilal Thiab and Thaer Halahleh, Omar began his open-ended hunger strike on March 7.
In the solidarity tent set up in the middle of Nablus’ bustling city center, several posters of Omar Abu Shalal have been put up with small papers taped on top marking the number of days he’s been on hunger strike. On Monday April 30, Omar entered his fifty-sixth day without food.
“When I first heard of his strike, I welcomed it,” Samira confessed. “At the same time, I was scared for him, since I know that when my brother sets his mind to something he won’t back down until he’s achieved whatever it is he wanted. He always had strong faith in undertaking big decisions like this.”
The lawyer representing Omar, Mohammad al-Abed, reported that when he saw Omar on April 22, he was complaining of severe pain in his stomach and head. His blood pressure was low, and his diabetes symptoms were severe. Despite this, Abed insisted Omar’s morale was very high, and that he was unwavering in continuing his strike.

“I’ve requested an appeal for Omar’s case in the Israeli High court,” Abed said. “I’m waiting to hear whether the appeal will be accepted or rejected. Given the dangerous level his health is at, every day that passes without receiving an answer from the court is extremely risky.”

 
An appeal for an administrative detainee revolves around the misuse of administrative detention, thus challenging the prisoner’s imprisonment on that basis. Abed plans to use Omar’s sharply deteriorating health as a pretext for challenging his detention, but the lawyer admits that it’s a long shot that it will be even taken into consideration by the Israeli prosecutor and judge.
Samira is critical of the PA’s silence over the prisoners in Ramleh prison hospital who have refused food for two months, and over the mass hunger strike that began on April 17 with an estimated 2000 prisoners participating.

“I demand that Abu Mazen take a stance on this issue, which is one of the pillars of our cause. He’s been negotiating with Israel for years now and our situation has just gotten worse. He should be negotiating to release prisoners, something that is worthy. I suppose the PA is scared that the current hunger strike movement might hurt its relations with Israel, so that is why they have kept quiet. What does that say about our ‘leadership?’”

Her eyes momentarily glisten over when asked about facing her brother’s impending death. “We hope Omar will come back home to us alive and well. Whatever is written by God will happen. Our faith in Him is enormous.”

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On Land Day: In Occupied Palestine, Existence is Resistance

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On 04.08.2011, Haj Ibrahim Atallah closed his eyes for the last time. He was over a 100 years old, and from what I’ve heard, he closed his eyes unwillingly, for he had yet so much to fight for, so much to give to the land that has given him and his family so much. Haj Atallah was from a small village in the Bethlehem area called Khirbet Ish-Sheikh Zakariya, locally known as Beit Iskarya, probably to differentiate it from the not-far-away Zakariya that was ethnically cleansed in 1948. Beit Iskarya lies in the middle of the illegal Gush Etzion Zionist colony bloc which consists of 22 illegal Zionist colonies and outposts built on 70,000 dunums of stolen Palestinian land.

The Palestinian village itself is totally besieged by at least 5 of the Gush Etzion colonies: Bat Ayin from the west, Rosh Tzurim from the north, Neve Daniel from the north east, Elazar from the east and Alon Shvut from the south east. These colonies are strangling the village, stealing its land and that of other Palestinian villages and slowly devouring them. They divide Beit Iskarya’s land into two and the only road connecting the village to the outside world passes through this Zionist colony bloc, where often, Beit Iskarya residents, especially students on the way to school, get attacked and beaten by the Zionist colonists. But despite all settler attacks and the continuous threats, Haj Atallah remained steadfast in his land: he planted the land, cared for it and kept it green against all odds. He taught his children that nothing is more valuable than the land itself, and he refused all the enticements offered by the Zionist entity to sell his land or give up even one iota of its earth. He refused to allow them to create another Palestinian-free zone in the heart of Palestine.
 
A Palestinian legend, a symbol of steadfastness and resistance, an example that Zionism can and will be defeated; Haj Attallah was born in 1910, lived all his life in his land, swore never to leave it and to make his final resting place within its ribs and close to its heart. 5 Palestinian communities, including Beit Iskarya, were living and thriving in this area, which is one of the most fertile areas of Palestine and is famous for its grapevines, figs, apricots, apple and almond trees. The land belonged to the villagers, and they depended on the land for their livelihood, and the land had always been generous to them. Beit Iskarya, with its 9000 dunums, was famous for its agricultural products which were marketed in Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Hebron. In one interview, Haj Atallah recalled how the land was always green and how all sorts of fruits and vegetables grew there. Growing up, he watched how the Zionist settlements changed the landscape of the land, how they destroyed it.
In the 1940s, when, with the help of the British Mandate, the Zionists started their colonization plans for Palestine, the basis for the Gush Etzion was laid in the area. First, the Kfar Etzion Zionist colony was built in 1943, to be followed by Mishu’at Yitzhaq in 1945, Ein Tzurim in 1946, Revadim in 1947, and the whole illegal colonial project built on Palestinian land was called Gush Etzion, the Etzion bloc.
In 1948, the terrorist Zionist gangs Haganah and Stern occupied the whole area, killed many and expelled the indigenous Palestinians. Palestinians revolutionaries, together with the Arab fighters who refused to obey their generals’ order to withdraw, fought the Zionist usurpers and forced them out of the area. After 6 months of forced expulsion, the indigenous Palestinians returned to their villages.
In 1967, after Israel occupied the rest of Palestine, wide-spread demolition took place in the area surrounding Beit Iskarya, where houses, schools and mosques were destroyed. The residents of the Palestinian localities were forced out of their homes, and of the over 1000 people who inhabited Beit Iskarya before 1967, only 50 remained: Haj Atallah and his family. The Zionist entity confiscated the lands of Beit Iskarya and the surrounding villages. Slowly, settlements and outposts of all sizes started appearing and spreading, and later grew to form Gush Etzion. The plan was to Judaize the whole area and turn it into a Palestinian-free zone. And out of the 800 dunums Haj Atallah owned, the Zionists left him and his family with only 75 dunums and stole the rest. Fields were uprooted and entire grapevines were destroyed while ripe with grapes.
But despite the terror and harassment of the Zionist colonists and the Zionist occupation army, Haj Atallah insisted he and his children remain steadfast in their village and protect their land. Over the years, he was offered large sums of money, villas, land in other areas of the occupied West Bank, even Israeli citizenship, just to force him to leave his land, but he refused. In an interview, Haj Atallah recalled how after the 1967 occupation: “despite the atmosphere of terror that accompanied the war, the displacement of the population, the demolition of houses and schools, I decided to stay at whatever cost. After two weeks following the occupation, Israeli soldiers came and surveyed the area, and told me to leave or they will demolish the houses on my head and the heads of my family, and emphasized that my existence constitutes a security threat in this area which they consider of vital importance to the Israeli army. I fought them with all means possible.”[1]
In the 1970s, he was summoned to Moshe Dayan’s office in Tel Aviv. Dayan, who was the Zionist entity’s minister of “Defense” at the time, offered Haj Atallah large sums of money (at one time, he was offered over 2 million US Dollars), new houses and land wherever he wanted in return for his land in Beit Iskarya because “the Israeli army needs his land”. Haj Ibrahim refused and his answer was the same every time: “We won’t exchange one centimeter of our land for the money of the whole world”[2]. After that meeting, settler terror and harassment increased and hasn’t stopped since: Often the villagers are attacked while working in the fields, their crops burned and their trees uprooted, sometimes even dogs would be unleashed at the villagers.
“The settlers who surround us from all sides would come to where we live and start throwing stones at us and at our homes. They also use other methods such as stealing our property, our chicken, goats and destroy our crops.”[3] Haj Atallah and his family have not only to endure the terror and harassment of the Zionist colonists, but also that of the Israeli occupation army. He and his children were detained several times by Israeli occupation soldiers, and when told to choose between imprisonment and selling their land, they always chose imprisonment.
To force Haj Atallah’s family out of their ancestral home, the Israeli occupation forces prohibit building in Beit Iskarya. For the last 40 years, and while illegal Zionist colonies thrive and expand on stolen Palestinian land, the over 600 residents of Beit Iskarya have not been allowed to build new houses and facilities on their own land. Of the around 65 houses and facilities in Beit Iskarya 5 stone houses were built before 1967, and 85 houses were built after 1967 using mud and bricks and have tin roofs to avoid demolition.
These houses, although more like sheds than houses, are nonetheless threatened with demolition. In addition, there is a 2-room school, a small clinic and a small mosque. In 2005, 29 houses and other facilities built after 1967 received demolition orders, 6 of which were demolished in 2008, despite their owners’ possession of documents proving their ownership of the land since over 400 years. Another 4 demolition orders were issued in 2010. A house of 10 was demolished in 2011 while the Zionist colonists watched and celebrated. More recently, 10 houses and the small school received demotion orders. And while the homes of Beit Iskarya are being demolished, a mobile tower was erected in the midst of the village, and despite the villager’s complaints and objection, the Zionists refused to remove it. The Israeli occupation forces also demolished the mosque’s minaret, not once but 3 times, and prohibited the Athan (call for prayer) because it annoys the racist European Zionist colonizers. But Haj Atallah used to defy the Zionists colonizing his land and would call for prayer using a loudspeaker. His voice would defy the colonizers and echo in the hills and the valleys of his ancestors. And every time, the IOF would come searching for the loudspeaker but fail to find it.
Haj Atallah continued to raise the Athan until his death. In an interview, Haj Atallah said: “We are living in a continuous fight with them. They besiege us from all directions and stole our land, and left us with only 50 dunums out of the 800 dunums. They cut off our electricity and water, and after a long battle in the courts, we were able to restore these services to the village. When we built a mosque for the village, they demolished the minaret and prevented the call for prayer on the grounds that it bothered them. They burned our crops and destroyed our land and set wild pigs and dogs at our homes, yet we are steadfast until we die in our land.”[4]
Today, the over 600 Palestinian residents of Beit Iskarya continue to defy the never-ending terror and harassment of the Zionist colonists and their occupation army. They face land theft, house demolition, settler attacks, but refuse to be intimidated or forced out of their land. Cameras positioned by the Israeli occupation army around the village monitor the villagers 24 hours, besieging them, imprisoning them in their own homes. Nonetheless, the villages still live on the land, still live from the land, still work the land and give it their love.
For the Zionist entity, Gush Etzion is considered a main settlement bloc and part of the so-called Greater Jerusalem: a Judaized Jerusalem where there is no place for the indigenous Palestinians. Entering the Gush Etzion, one would see settlement houses with their typical structure spread everywhere like a disease that is eating the land from the inside, destroying it slowly. These cancerous cells spread on both sides of the road and occupied every hill top, distorting the beauty of the Palestinian landscape. Here, the indigenous Palestinians have no place, they don’t exist to the alien colonizers, they are deleted from the invented histories and dictionaries of the Zionist mind; the Zionists have renamed the area, gave it Jewish names and forged its history, forged the names of the hills, the water springs, the fields, the valleys, the rocks and even the trees. Here, in this invented world, the language of the indigenous people does not exist, they don’t exist: road signs are only in Hebrew and English, and only cars with the Israeli yellow plate are visible. And with the exception of a few old Palestinian stone houses, the area is colonized. But if you continue driving, you will see in the distance a collection of houses, a small village that does not fit into the fake and invented picture the Zionists wanted to create here. It is because the view of this village, so natural in this landscape, that I recognized Beit Iskarya. No signs referred to it, but its steadfastness and defiance is all the sign anyone needs. And it is when you reach Beit Iskarya that you understand the meaning of steadfastness, of resistance.
To expand the illegal Gush Etzion, the Zionist colonists had over the years stolen the land which Haj Atallah inherited from his ancestors, and he and his family were left with only 30 dunums of their land. Even these 30 dunums had been a thorn in the eyes of the colonizers, because Haj Atallah and his family remained steadfast in the middle of this Zionist project, refusing to leave, and preventing a complete Judaization of the whole area. Haj Attalah refused to accept the theft of his land and fought for it. He went to Zionist courts and fought the usurpers there. And finally, after over 40 years of struggle, Haj Ibrahim Atallah defeated the Zionist entity. Early 2010, the Israeli high court, ordered the Israeli government to return the 730 dunums to Haj Atallah. It hurt him to see the settlements destroy the land. He wanted to replant the trees that were uprooted, give the land back its natural colour, give it life and freedom after so many years of captivity and slow death: “I feel very happy and great joy at the decision, hoping not to die before I cultivate the land again.”[5]
On 04.08.2011, Haj Ibrahim Atallah closed his eyes for the last time, he closed them unwillingly for he still had so much to do. He once said to one IOF officer who tried to convince him to sell his land: “I swear, even if you bring your bulldozers and bury us alive, we won’t leave our land.”[6]
Today, he continues to live in his land, as part of it, and he continues to protect the land. Today, Haj Atallah defies the occupation and defies death and remains steadfast in his land. Before he died, Haj Atallah dug his own grave in his land, in its heart, facing the hills where he ran as a child, overlooking the valleys where he worked all his life. With his body he wanted to prevent the Zionist colonists from stealing what is left of his village, so he dug his grave with his own hands and asked to be buried in his land, never to leave it. He didn’t want ever to leave it, nor allow the Zionists to take it after his death. He wanted to protect the land in his death like he did during his life. And there, in that grave, in his land, among his hills and valleys, Haj Atallah rests today. He still watches over his land and protects it. He still stands as a thorn in the eyes of the colonizers who wanted to expel him from his land. Today, Haj Atallah and the land he so much loved are united, they are forever one.
Haj Attallah is a symbol of Palestinian resistance and steadfastness against the Zionist colonization, against land theft, against the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. Together with his children and grandchildren, he fought to protect the land. He stood up to Zionist terror and refused Zionist enticements. He refused over and over to sign away the deeds of the land, to sell it to the occupiers, he refused to betray Palestine. He remained steadfast, he was threatened, his children beaten, but he remained steadfast. Every day, he went to his fields, worked them, defied the terror, the threats, the harassment, and worked the land, every day. They destroyed and he rebuilt. They uprooted and burned and he replanted. They stole and he resisted them.

In Camp David 2000, Israeli negotiators said they wanted to keep Gush Etzion in a “land swap deal”. One PA negotiator declared the PA’s consent and willingness to give up the land on which Gush Etzion stands. This PA official backed away from his statement, at least only publicly, because Haj Atallah’s struggle and steadfastness embarrassed the PA and exposed its empty “liberation” slogans.

Before his death, Haj Atallah spoke of how these officials come with camera teams to Beit Iskarya, talk about resistance and steadfastness in front of cameras, talk about liberating Palestine in front of cameras, but behind cameras they sell the land to the occupier.

When he died, unwillingly closing his eyes for the last time, many attended his funeral. “People came from everywhere, but not one single PA official was present his son told me. “Even some colonists, his enemies, the colonists he fought against all his life, came and paid their respects. They said that despite their “conflict” with Haj Atallah, they had great respect for the man who was so protective of his land, who was so steadfast.”

Haj Atallah’s presence, his life and his struggle annoyed those who wanted to steal the land, to ethnically cleanse Palestine. His presence, his life and his struggle annoyed those who sell and betray the land, and every breath he took, every day he lived annoyed them, because it exposed them. And even in his death, he exposed them, exposed their betrayal.

To him the land was his life, and to resist the colonizer was to exist, unlike those to whom the land is a business, a bargaining chip, a ticket to Swiss bank accounts and to occupation-issued VIP permits. He didn’t wait for the PA, nor did he wait for the international community or for human rights organizations or for conditional activists to help him protect his land. He protected his land with his family and waited for no one.

Haj Atallah didn’t wait for PA officials who came to his humble house and declared the land as liberated, the land he fought so long for while they signed one concession after the other. He didn’t wait for wanna-be-leaders and new-age revolutionaries who come and take pictures of themselves in front of his house and his land and use his struggle as a stepping stone for their activism businesses.

He didn’t wait for the cameras or for social media to make a hero out of him, nor did he call himself or see himself as a hero. He saw himself as one of the tens of thousands of Palestinians, those who love the land, those who daily care for the land, those who daily defy the Zionist colonizers and plant their land, those who are steadfast in their land, steadfast in Palestine. His struggle was genuine, his struggle was for Palestine, not for a short-lived fame nor for an award and a title. He didn’t wait for anyone. He remained steadfast, refused to be expelled, refused to legitimize the Zionist colonization of his homeland, refused to betray the land, refused to betray Palestine.

 

Footnotes:
[1] alrawwyablogspot.com
[2] http://www.arabvolunteering.org/corner/191506-1-post.html

Sources:
River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog! 

Jewish settlers storm Nablus under PA-Israeli military protection

[ 22/03/2012 – 05:52 PM ]

NABLUS, (PIC)– Hundreds of Jewish settlers along with one Israeli minister stormed Thursday evening under military protection Nablus city to perform alleged religious rituals inside Joseph’s Tomb.

Local sources said that in coordination with the Palestinian authority security forces, hundreds of settlers escorted by troops were allowed to enter Nablus, which is under full Palestinian control.

Transportation minister Yisrael Katz who came along with the settlers placed at the doorstep of the Tomb a roll of Hebrew-written paper. Other senior military and political figures were also in the site.

In a separate incident, a gang of armed Jewish settlers attacked Palestinian citizens in Hammamat area of Wadi Al-Maleh in the Jordan Valley and chased their cattle.

Local sources said that armed settlers from Maskiot settlement stormed the area many times on Thursday evening and night and each time they embarked on harassing and terrifying the Palestinian villagers.

The villagers of Wadi Maleh suffer from daily attacks and raids by Maskiot settlers who steal their cattle and property, and appropriate their lands by armed force.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

IOF Aresst Palestinian Speaker to prevent the PLC from convening

Dweik: I was arrested to prevent the PLC from convening


AL-KHALIL, (PIC)– Speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), Dr. Aziz Dweik, said on Friday that his arrest by the IOF aimed at stopping Palestinian reconciliation and to continue to disable the PLC.

Dr. Dweik added, in a letter he sent with his lawyer from the Ofer military prison, that the IOF arrested him to stop the PLC convening in early February as was planned.

He called on PA President Mahmoud Abbas to call the PLC to convene and to open it for West Bank members of the PLC to discuss the occupation’s breaches against representatives of the Palestinian people and take necessary measures.

The PA in Ramallah kept the PLC gates closed since the split between Fatah and Hamas took place and it was hoped that as the reconciliation starts taking effect the PLC will be able to function as normal as possible despite the fact that over 20 lawmakers are jailed by the Israeli occupation.

Dr. Dweik was detained on Thursday evening by IOF troops at the Jaba’ roadblock near Ramallah while on his way with his family to his home in al-Khalil.

Local Editor

Israeli occupation forces arrested on Thursday Palestinian Parliament Speaker Aziz Dweik in the West Bank.

Dweik, a senior politician and a member of Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas, was arrested at an army checkpoint, his chief of staff, Bhaa Youssef, told Agence France Press.

The arrest happened in Jaba between Ramallah and Jerusalem as Dr Dweik was travelling by car to Hebron, Youssef added.

Witnesses said that Israeli soldiers handcuffed and blindfolded Dr Dweik before taking him to an unknown destination.

The Zionist entity has confirmed the arrest, with Israeli border troops claiming Dweik was detained for “involvement in terrorist activities”.

Occupation forces have targeted Dweik before. In 2006, after Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit was captured by Hamas during a cross-border raid, the Zionist entity arrested Dweik and others and kept him in jail for nearly three years.

GAZA, (PIC)– Palestinian premier Ismail Haneyya demanded the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority (PA) in Ramallah city to halt its peace talks with the Israeli occupation state in response to its kidnapping of legislative council speaker Aziz Dweik.

In his Friday Khutba (sermon), premier Haneyya described the kidnapping of Aziz Dweik as a crime and called for responding to it through allowing the Palestinian legislative council to convene in the West Bank.

The premier also condemned the PA’s talks with Israel as failed and frivolou, and said Palestinians should not shake hands with Israelis who kidnap their legitimate representatives.
He stressed that the PA should be serious about achieving national reconciliation with its rivals and end its security cooperation with the Israeli occupation.
In another context, premier Haneyya received in his house on Friday afternoon a delegation from Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and occupied Jerusalem who came to express their support for Gaza people and their legitimate leadership.
Haneyya hailed the Arab peoples for their ongoing support for Gaza people, especially during the hegemony of some tyrants over their countries.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

PA security agency harasses Khalid Amayereh

“I thought the Arab Spring would convince the PA security apparatus to abandon or at least alleviate their police-state tactics against dissent and show more respect for human rights and civil liberties. However, it seems that that the PA, as far as its treatment of its people, remains largely unchanged. Old habits die hard, after all.” thought Mr. Ameyereh.
I remember his article  “The good news from Cairo” [ 08/08/2011 – 09:08 PM ]

Mr, Khalid thought that the PA’s move against Dahan is a result of The latest agreement between Fatah and Hamas the “perfect Ramadan gift for the Palestinian people”. 

He claimed “the Palestinian Authority (PA) decision to move against Muhammed Dahlan, the perpetual trouble-maker, will erase a major cause of the collision between Hamas and Fatah.”
Read the rest here

PA security agency harasses non-conformist Journalist

[ 09/01/2012 – 12:14 AM ]


This is not the first time I’m subjected to harassment and abuse at the hands of Palestinian Authority (PA) security operatives. On several occasions, I had been abused, imprisoned and humiliated by the security agencies. In one episode in 2009, I was made to sleep in a rancid cell after reporting that PA police were preventing and brutally suppressing demonstrations against Israel in protest against Israel ‘s 2008-09 genocidal blitzkrieg against the Gaza Strip.

I thought the Arab Spring would convince the PA security apparatus to abandon or at least alleviate their police-state tactics against dissent and show more respect for human rights and civil liberties. However, it seems that that the PA, as far as its treatment of its people, remains largely unchanged. Old habits die hard, after all.

Most of the PA security operatives remain deeply hateful of anything relating to Hamas [Resistance]. In fact, one could argue with little exaggeration that most of the security agencies have come to consider Hamas enemy number-1 while Israel is viewed as a distant second enemy.

This is due to the intensive indoctrination the security apparatus has been subjected to ever since the defeat and ousting of Fatah militia by Hamas in 2007.

A few years ago a, PA security commander told his Israeli “counterpart” at the Israeli “Civil Administration headquarters” at Beit El near Ramallah, that “we are not enemies, but allies, and our common enemy is Hamas.”

The conversation was reported by an Israeli journalist who attended the meeting.

Last week, I received a summon to report to Rm.-1 at the Preventive Security Apparatus in downtown Hebron. When I arrived there at about 9:00 O’clock in the morning, I was told to wait in a cold room. I waited and waited and waited, without being called for “questioning or interrogation.” Two hours later, I was told to hand over my cell phone and identity card, which I did.

Around one o’clock, an interrogator showed up and asked me to go with him. We sat down in another cold room where he chatted with me rather elaborately about such subjects as the Arab Spring, the Egyptian revolution, and the intra-Palestinian reconciliation.

I told him that I was optimistic about the Arab Spring which I argued was a definite strategic asset for the Palestinian cause.

The interrogator lashed out at Islamist parties in the Arab world, hinting that their arrival to power in a number of Arab countries was made possible thanks to American intervention.
The Muslim Brothers in Egypt received more than their share of the interrogator’s vitriol, probably due to Hamas’s close association with the Muslim Brotherhood.

He pointed out that the Muslim Brothers were virtually traitors since they were likely to uphold the Camp David treaty with Israel . I told him “let us give them a chance.” I was tempted to retort to him [But you didn’t] that his PLO [Say his Fateh leadership, and Yaser Abd Yaser], which had signed the Oslo accords, recognized Israel without receiving a reciprocal Israeli recognition of a putative Palestinian state and that the Egyptians  [Specify] couldn’t become more Palestinian than the Palestinians themselves [Father Palestine].

However, it was amply clear from the beginning that the logic of might, not the might of logic, was the language of the day.


[With Mr. Amayereh’s might logic, Mubarak could argue that its Sadat not him who signed Camp David, he justintended to temporarily honor {just for 3 decades} Egypt’s international pacts, each side has the right to reexamine the treaty.” Mubarak did that he became stratagic asset for Israel, and he said he will never visit Israel. I would ask Mr. Khalid, to think why some Lebanese are more Palrestinian than any Palestinians, why Iranians are arabs more than many Arans??]

Following the “chummy chat” about the Arab Spring and the reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, I was given my I.D. and mobile phone, which I took as a hint that I could go home.


However, as I was driving home, I received a call from the Preventive Security, alerting me in a threatening tone that I would have to return immediately because the interrogation had not ended.
I returned there, only to be affronted with another PS operative who tried to ride roughshod over me, telling me insolently “when will you stop cursing and instigating against the Palestinian Authority.”
I told him that I was a journalist and that I didn’t indulge in libeling or defaming people.
I added that if he had any evidence against me, he could sue me in court.
He then said “You referred in one of your television interviews that Ismael Haniya (the Prime Minister of the Gaza-based Hamas government) was a legitimate prime minister and that this per se amounted to cursing, libeling and defaming the Palestinian Authority.”
[No Surprise, KHALID you committed a “crime”. BTW, Abbas, The “plucked chicken”,  who soared into the sky with his Statehood bid is mad at Haneya breaking the siege and souring into the “Arab Spring” sky on the way to “Arab spring “Capital”, but I think his chances to complete is tour are poor as long as he say:  “We will not recognize Israel”, “we will continue to fight and we will not lay down our arms”, and the people chanting: “Death to Israel”, “People want Liberation of Palestine”.  And Yaser Abd Yaser is mad at Mishaal assigned by the “Arab House” to convey a message to the Syrian authorities. “Khaled Mishaal has “no right” to mediate with the Arab League for the interest of the Syrian regime, nor to mediate in favour of any other regime Meshaal interfered with the internal affairs of Syria and that’s not right”. he claimed. His master, Abbas, sold the Arab league presidency to Hamad, to mediate in favour of reforming Syria]
I have no doubt that the “Arab spring” is a great asset for Hamas, and hope it would be a great asset for Palestinian cause as you claimed.]
I told him that what he was saying was totally illogical and that in addition to that interrogating me was a clear violation of the law.
According to the Palestinian press law, “security agencies have no right to question, interrogate, detain or arrest a Palestinian journalist on matters related to his or her work.”
He told me that what he was doing was completely compatible with the law and that he would continue to summon me every day until I was thoroughly humbled.
I told him I knew the law even before he was born. He got furious. About half an hour later, another operative showed up, with another summon for Saturday, 7 January.
On that designated date, I showed up at the PS headquarters. I was made to wait several hours, which I thought was a deliberate effort to show me who is the boss there.
I believe that the main goal behind the recurrent summons by the PA security agencies was to force me to exercise self-censorship.
I have written an open letter of PA leader Mahmoud Abbas telling him that it was time he held the security agencies responsible for upholding the rule of law. [LOL, I thought you tell him, “The PA must change, or it will be changed”]
I explained to him that we Palestinians must choose between the rule of the law and the rule of Baltagiya or Shabbiha (thugs). [Shabbiha= Syrian, right Khalid, do you dare to call “Palestinian Authority (PA) security operatives” Baltagiya or Shabbiha (thugs)]
I also spoke with the head of the Palestinian Press Association. He promised to end the problem in a few hours. But I am still waiting.
At the waiting room, I met two college students who told me they had been badly mistreated and beaten on charges of affiliation with the Islamic Student Bloc.
One of the two, whose last name is Awadi, the son of a refugee family that originally hailed from Ramleh in what is now Israel , told me that he was meted out a criminal treatment.
“In any other country, any interrogator implicated in the kind of beating that we were subjected to would be dismissed, prosecuted and punished. And we would be compensated for damages.
“But look, we are being persecuted everyday as Fatah and Hamas keep talking about Musalaha or national reconciliation.” [Both know that it will lead to nowhere. Its a fight but without guns. Get it Mr. Ameyereh]
The other student, who hails from the village of Kharas near Hebron and studies Computer Science at the Polytechnic institute, said he was summoned more than 12 times in less than a month and that he had to drop the current semester.
I asked the two students if they were accused of serious matters such as possessing illegal firearms, they replied in the negative, telling me that their only crime was their alleged affiliation with the Islamist Student Bloc.
The appealed to me to publicize their plight, saying that Hamas must under no circumstances reach reconciliation agreements as long as political prisoners swell PA jails.

[I assure you and the two student, no reconciliation agreements could be reached unless Hamas comes to PA’s terms or otherwise. The PA burned its ships, and Hamas’s project, is bigger than Palestine, like Hezbollah’s Project. The shotest way to foil both is divide to conquer] 
River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

  The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

PA Intelligence kidnaps senior Hamas figure in Qalqiliya

PA Intelligence kidnaps senior Hamas figure in Qalqiliya

 

[ 01/01/2012 – 12:05 PM ]

QALQILIYA, (PIC)– The Palestinian authority intelligence apparatus kidnapped on Saturday evening senior Hamas official and noted reformer Riyadh Walweel, 57, from his home in Qalqiliya city, north of the occupied West Bank.
 
Local sources told the Palestinian information center (PIC) that PA intelligence agents kidnapped Walweel after he refused to receive and sign on a summons for interrogation issued against him by the intelligence service in Qalqiliya.
Walweel is a noted religious figure and reformer in the city and has been locked in Israeli and PA jails many times before.
His current detention has raised the ire of Palestinians in the city and many of them questioned the viability of the national reconciliation while such suppression is still ongoing in the West Bank.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Family committee says political arrests still ongoing even with national talks

[ 21/12/2011 – 11:47 AM ]

ALKHALIL, (PIC)– The family committee of political prisoners said the Palestinian authority security apparatuses still carry out arbitrary detention campaigns in West Bank areas despite the national reconciliation meetings underway between Hamas and Fatah factions.

The committee, in a joint statement with the association of Muslim youth, invited the Palestinians to participate in the 25th protest to condemn violation of freedoms in the West Bank.

The protesters will demand the PA to end its political detention of Palestinian citizens and its unjust dismissal of civil servants from their jobs because of their political affiliations.
“Violation of freedoms thwart meetings” will be the watchword of this protest slated to be held Thursday afternoon in Al-Khalil city.

According to the statement, more than 90 arbitrary political arrests happened from the last meeting between Palestinian leaders Khaled Mashaal and Mahmoud Abbas on 24 November until Tuesday 20 December.

More than 150 other citizens were also summoned for interrogation and 17 teachers were fired from their jobs because of their political affiliations, it added.
In a related incident, four Palestinians affiliated with Hamas Movement were kidnapped by PA security forces in the cities of Nablus, Jericho, Salfit and Al-Khalil, according to a report by the Palestinian information center (PIC) on Tuesday.
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Families of political prisoners: 76 political arrests since Abbas-Mishaal meeting

[ 17/12/2011 – 02:11 PM ]  

PA = Occupation

WEST BANK, (PIC)– The committee representing families of political prisoners in the West Bank revealed a list of 76 names of Palestinians who have been detained by the PA security forces since the meeting in Cairo between Mahmoud Abbas and Khaled Mishaal last month.

A statement by the committee said that 90% of the detentions were carried out by the preventive security and the rest were carried out by the general intelligence stressing that 50 of them are still in detention.
The statement added that there are more than 120 summonses and 8 cases of sacking from jobs for political reasons since the meeting in addition to trying a number of detainees and freed prisoners.
The families called on the PA in the West Bank to immediately release all political detainees to coincide with the second phase of the prisoner-exchange on Sunday. They called on all parties of the reconciliation to ensure the release of their relatives.
The committee concluded its statement by stressing that the number of political prisoners rose to 140 affiliated with various Palestinian factions in different prisons in the West bank.

PA = Occupation

Abu Hashish: meeting between Hamas and Fatah tomorrow in Cairo

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian